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"Swingin round the cirkle"
His ideas of men, politics, and things, as set forth in his letters to the public press, during the year 1866
David Ross Locke (1833–1888)
This satirical work offers a searing, caustic look at the wreckage of American politics during the Reconstruction era. It remains a singular artifact of how humor was weaponized to expose the hypocrisy and moral rot of a defeated political faction.
In Short
This book is a collection of satirical letters written from the perspective of Petroleum V. Nasby, a fictional, whiskey-soaked, and fiercely pro-slavery village preacher and postmaster. Nasby serves as a mouthpiece for the Democratic Party’s opposition to Reconstruction and civil rights for formerly enslaved people. Through his absurd schemes and desperate loyalty to President Andrew Johnson, the work documents the political paranoia, white supremacy, and moral bankruptcy of the era. It has lasted because it provides a vivid, if grotesque, record of the reactionary mindset following the Civil War.
The Story
The narrative follows Petroleum V. Nasby as he navigates the tumultuous years following the Confederate surrender. A self-proclaimed "Humble Individooal" and former pastor, Nasby is a man of few morals but immense ambition. He spends his days at "Confederate Crossroads" in Kentucky, lamenting the abolition of slavery and the "subjoogation" of the South. His central project is to keep the Democratic Party relevant by clinging to the "lower stratum"—the white voter terrified of racial equality—while attempting to exploit the new federal bureaucracy for his own gain.
Nasby’s trajectory is inextricably linked to the political survival of President Andrew Johnson. He views Johnson’s vetoes of civil rights legislation as divine interventions, hoping that the President will reward his "loyal" service with a permanent government position. When Johnson embarks on his famous "Swing Around the Circle" speaking tour—a disastrous attempt to rally Northern support—Nasby tags along as a sycophantic chaplain. He witnesses the tour’s humiliating collapse as hostile crowds heckle the President, forcing Nasby to grapple with the reality that his political hero is becoming a liability.
Throughout his travels and correspondence, Nasby attempts to refine his strategies for "up-building the Democracy." He proposes absurd schemes, such as importing freedmen to Northern states to manipulate election demographics, and consistently argues that the African American population should be denied suffrage because they are "degraded." He operates a church trial and attends political conventions, constantly seeking validation for his virulent racism and his desire for a government paycheck.
The story’s arc tracks the progressive alienation of the Democratic leadership from their own President. As the mid-term elections of 1866 approach, Nasby’s hopes for a Democratic resurgence are dashed by overwhelming Republican victories. He watches as prominent political figures, including the pugilistic John Morrissey, publicly distance themselves from Johnson to save their own reputations. The book concludes with a defeated, demoralized Nasby retreating to his post office. He remains unrepentant, clinging to the hope that the "ancient landmarks" of white supremacy will eventually be restored. He is left to contemplate a future where the only refuge for a "worn-out patriot" is a minor federal appointment, all while dreaming of a day when the "curse" of equality is finally lifted.
How It Unfolds
The postmaster’s lament Nasby introduces his worldview from his base in Kentucky, framing the end of the Civil War as a personal tragedy and a violation of the "patriarchal system." He establishes his commitment to white supremacy and his disdain for the "Ablishnists" who have ruined his way of life.
The alliance with the President Nasby aligns himself with Andrew Johnson, interpreting the President’s vetoes of the Freedmen’s Bureau and Civil Rights bills as the start of a glorious, reactionary counter-revolution. He expects to be rewarded for this loyalty with a secure federal commission.
The disastrous campaign tour Nasby joins Johnson on the "Swing Around the Circle" excursion, documenting the President’s increasingly erratic speeches and the public’s vocal, mocking rejection of the tour. This section highlights the widening gap between the President’s political fantasies and the reality of Northern public opinion.
The inevitable electoral collapse The mid-term elections deliver a crushing blow to the Democratic Party, forcing Nasby and his peers to confront the failure of their "Johnsonianism" platform. He records the desperate attempts of other politicians to abandon the President before their own political careers are permanently destroyed.
The final retreat The story ends with Nasby back in his office, acknowledging the temporary nature of his current influence. He remains a faithful, if pathetic, believer in his cause, waiting for a future where his brand of politics might once again find a home.
The People
Petroleum V. Nasby is the central, deeply unreliable narrator. He is a coward, a drunkard, and an unrepentant racist who believes the world owes him a living. His primary goal is to secure a permanent government job that requires little work and pays well.
Andrew Johnson is the "President" who serves as Nasby’s idol. While he is the actual President of the United States, in Nasby’s eyes, he is the only man standing between the white South and the "disaster" of equality. He begins as a beacon of hope for reactionaries but ends as an "inkubus" that his own party must shed.
The "Democrats" of Confederate Crossroads consist of local figures like Squire Gavitt and Deekin Pogram. They are defined by their laziness, their penchant for whiskey, and their obsession with the "curse of Ham." They serve as the audience for Nasby’s rhetoric and the local participants in his schemes.
John Morrissey appears as the foil to Nasby’s sycophancy. A former prize fighter and self-made politician, he represents the segment of the Democratic Party that realizes Johnson is a sinking ship. He ruthlessly protects his own reputation, forcing Nasby to acknowledge the dwindling support for the Presidential cause.
In Its Own Voice
"The fact is we are whipped, and hev got to do the best we kin."
A character in an early chapter forces the reality of the war's conclusion upon a group of defiant, delusional Southern sympathizers.
"The nigger is the lower stratum; and ef we bore down to it, and work it thoroughly, we hev, at least, a twenty years' lease uv power."
Nasby outlines his tactical plan for reviving the Democratic Party by exploiting racial fears.
"I conceive it to be onnecessary to submit further testimony."
Nasby closes a formal petition to the President, demonstrating his self-important, bureaucratic tone despite the absurdity of his request.
What It's Really About
The book is a biting examination of the political backlash following the American Civil War. It centers on the intense fear of social and economic change among those who benefited from the antebellum order. The text asks whether a political party can survive solely by appealing to racial prejudice and resisting the expansion of citizenship. Ultimately, the work suggests that such a strategy—while potentially potent in the short term—leads to moral and political isolation. It exposes the tension between the "policy" of the federal government and the deep-seated, often violent, local resistance in the South, questioning if reconciliation is even possible when one side refuses to accept the fundamental premises of the new, post-war social order.
Why Read It Today
This book is a challenging, uncomfortable read that offers an unfiltered look into the mind of a post-war reactionary. Readers interested in American political history or the evolution of political satire will find it invaluable. It captures a specific, volatile moment in U.S. history with a precision that modern histories often smooth over. However, prospective readers should be aware that it is written entirely in a thick, phonetic dialect intended to mimic a poorly educated, rural speaker; this can make the text slow and difficult to parse. Furthermore, the book is saturated with the horrific, pervasive racism of its characters. While this reflects the historical reality the author intended to mock, the relentless nature of these sentiments can be jarring. It is not a pleasant experience, but it is an illuminating one. You will walk away with a haunting sense of how political figures manufacture crises to feed the anxieties of their base, and how easily a desire for power can be disguised as a defense of "tradition" or "liberty." It remains a sharp reminder that the darkest impulses in politics rarely disappear; they simply wait for a new voice to give them expression.
This summary was written by AI (gemini-3.1-flash-lite) on 2026-08-27 and is a guide to the book, not a replacement for it — it can be incomplete or wrong. The book itself is public domain. Copyright & AI disclosure · Report a problem





